As we approached the May elections, we often heard those two words: "Gang of Five!" In reality, there were far more. Yet, this term, describing those who benefited from public tenders, etched itself into our minds. These contractors, building hospitals and roads at the public's expense, were a capital class enriched by the government. In return, they financed both politics and the media. The CHP promised to "seize" and "nationalize" them if they came to power.

The election passed. The CHP underwent a transformation. Remember, I published the report that initiated this process in this column. That report subtly criticized the rhetoric based on "settling scores." Recently, when Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu mentioned on KRT TV that his party no longer emphasizes the "Gang of Five," I delved into the archives. Indeed, media scans, interviews, speeches, and political priorities revealed that the "Gang of Five" was no longer a top agenda item for the CHP.

Curious, I called CHP Mersin MP Ali Mahir Başarır. He is not only the CHP's Deputy Group Chair but also one of the architects of the party's transformation. Moreover, Başarır wrote the book "Gang of Five" (Red Cat Publishing). The foreword was penned by Kılıçdaroğlu himself.

$205 Billion to 10 Companies

In the foreword, Kılıçdaroğlu states, "Erdoğan and his team have seized a significant portion of our country's wealth through the 'Gang of Five'." He notes that the Public Procurement Law was amended nearly 200 times during the AKP era. "By creating and altering laws, they have facilitated the distribution of tender revenues to firms directly linked to the AKP, primarily those we call the 'Gang of Five'. We will change this order," he adds.

The book offers a comprehensive snapshot of the "Gang of Five." Highlighting the period between 2016 and 2021, Başarır writes:

"During the AKP era, the top 10 companies receiving the most tenders under Public-Private Partnerships were awarded projects worth a total of $205 billion. For context, this amount is equivalent to half of our total external debt and nearly 25% of last year's GDP. In today's terms, over 1 trillion lira has been transferred to these 10 companies during the AKP era. The share of the five companies that built the third airport alone totals $160 billion."

Başarır doesn't just examine the tenders. He explores the environmental destruction caused by these companies, their ties to politics, their influence on legal regulations, media design, and the CHP's struggle against them. The book faced calls for confiscation, and the author became a target of the "Gang of Five" media.

In summary, Başarır was the right person to ask about the post-transformation CHP and the "Gang of Five."

'Gang of Five' and the CHP

When I asked if the "Gang of Five" still wielded influence in the country, Başarır replied: "Capital groups always lobby in political circles to realize their desires. They appease ministers and bureaucracy in tenders. Hence, answering your question with 'no' would be absurd. It's evident that the 'Gang of Five' still receives favors since we don’t see these big capital groups among the top 100 taxpayers."

Has the CHP’s stance on this issue changed?

“If you're asking about a shift in political strategy, this issue has not been sidelined,” Başarır said, reminding us that they recently spotlighted the Transport Minister's use of a private jet owned by one of the big companies winning public tenders: "If you're asking if the CHP’s focus has changed, our focus is clear. We stand with the people, for the people. Currently, we're fighting for economic and social justice, against inflation, and for democracy."

Is there a chance the "Gang of Five," aiming to steer their ship in every party's sea, could gain influence within the CHP?

"The CHP's principles have upheld this country for 100 years. Big capital groups have never gained positions within our party due to these principles," Başarır said. "Our core principle of populism and our unwavering values prevent economic powers, lobby activities, or political strategies from influencing the CHP."

So, the CHP's answers regarding whether there has been a shift in its stance on the "Gang of Five" and capital from the public sector are clear. The party, often criticized for "leaning right" in recent years, perhaps had its most leftist rhetoric with the "Gang of Five." Targeting capital fed by the public sector, the party proposed a populist program promising nationalization. Amidst change, normalization, and softening, this agenda might have taken a back seat. What's certain is that a republican and leftist party must promise to rebuild the relationship between production and distribution.

Neither water nor dirt... The will of the person who sees the flow has the power to reverse rivers.

---

The full Q & A session with CHP Deputy Group Chair and author of the book 'Gang of Five,' Ali Mahir Başarır:

1. Do you think the capital group defined as the "Gang of Five" still holds influence in the economy, politics, bureaucracy, and media?

First, who is this capital group we define as the "Gang of Five"? These are large contractor firms heavily involved in major infrastructure projects and state tenders in Turkey. Their economic and political influence cannot be ignored. To assess their impact, we look at whether they undertake large projects and receive significant shares from public resources. Particularly in the construction and infrastructure sectors, this influence is evident. Large economic powers naturally engage in political connections and lobbying, influencing politicians. This is reflected in tender processes and the distribution of public resources. When do these firms influence the bureaucracy managing public projects and tenders? Especially during project approval and execution phases. With their strong economies, large capital groups can also own media outlets or exert influence on media, shaping public opinion. This effect is visible in how news is presented and in setting the agenda.

In summary, capital groups always lobby in political circles to realize their desires. They appease ministers and bureaucracy in tenders. Hence, answering your question with 'no' would be absurd.

In the current economy, since we don’t see these big capital groups among the top 100 taxpayers, it's evident that the "Gang of Five" still receives favors.

Why do we demand justice in income tax today? Why do we say those who earn more should pay more and those who earn less should pay less? It’s clear that the palace prioritizes the "Gang of Five" and enriching certain individuals. There’s no need to discuss the palace’s neglect of retirees, farmers, workers, and the poor. Rising food prices, unemployment, and cost of living are not priorities for them. The outcomes of the March 31 elections are significant because our local victory was due to the power of the people, not capital. We relied on the people, not on capital, forming the Turkey alliance. Who advocates for a significant increase in minimum wage and basic pension today? Not those aligned with the "Gang of Five," but the CHP, which stands with the people.

2. Why does the CHP's new leadership no longer prioritize reckoning with the "Gang of Five"?

If you're asking about a shift in political strategy, this issue has not been sidelined. Just two weeks ago, we revealed that the Minister of Transport and Infrastructure, Abdulkadir Uraloğlu, traveled abroad in a private jet owned by a major company frequently winning public tenders. The Minister admitted that he did this based on a clause in their tender contract. In other words, a ‘bribery’ clause was added to the public tender contract. The Minister confessed his crime. Worse, he thinks this is normal. Under the old system, this would warrant a no-confidence vote, but under the presidential system, we’ve lost the power to dismiss ministers.

If you're asking if the CHP’s focus has changed, our focus is clear. We stand with the people, for the people. Currently, we're fighting for economic and social justice, against inflation, and for democracy. We fight where necessary, negotiate where needed. Our paramount issue is Turkey.

3. You wrote the book on the "Gang of Five." Do you see a possibility of this structure gaining ground, supporting or toppling individuals within the CHP?

The CHP is a 100-year-old party. A party where Atatürk, the founder and savior of this country, sat in the chairman’s seat. A populist party. A pioneer of social democracy. The principles of the CHP have upheld this country for 100 years. If large capital groups have not gained positions within our party until today, it is thanks to these principles.

The CHP is a populist party. Our priority is the people and their needs. Retirees, farmers, teachers, workers — their problems are our problems. Since March 31, what have we said? If it’s negotiation, we negotiate; if it’s a fight, we fight. That’s why we hold thematic rallies. We held rallies with our retirees, contract teachers, tea producers. This weekend, we’ll rally with wheat producers. Because our core principle is populism, and our common ground will always be the people. None of our principles, especially populism, will change. Therefore, economic powers, lobbying activities, or political strategies cannot influence the CHP.